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If we needed more evidence that we weren't in Kansas anymore, Ken Waxman's September 1976 cover story, "The Rise of Gay Capitalism," in glossy Toronto Life identified "gay purchasing power" as "real power," and described a new class of entrepreneurs that "serviced" the "booming gay market." [...] This time, Michael Lynch penned the review. "Alas, I don't recognise my gayness in the fact that we 'spend more money than straights on grooming, entertainment, clothes, drink, and travel.' If it's 'self-righteous' and 'left-wing' to question this characterization of gayness... then shucks mom I guess I'm self-righteous and left-wing. [...] And I wish — is this left-wing? — that Waxman had made a fourth Discovery: women. In this article, as in the 'gay marketplace,' women only exist as 'girls.' Telling evidence isn't it, that when gayness is defined as no more than consumerism, it aids and abets the macho exploitation of women."

— Queer Progress by Tim McCaskell

In July 1976, Montreal hosted the summer Olympics. The games were a boondoggle, raking in money for contractors and leaving the city with a billion-dollar debt that would not be paid off for thirty years. [...] But for an increasingly visible gay community, the issue was repression. Under the guise of Olympic security, Montreal police launched a crackdown on gay establishments. It began with a raid of Montreal's Aquarius sauna and the arrest of thirty-five men as "found-ins" in a bawdy house, February 1975. In October, six gay bars were raided, including the city's most popular women's bar. [The police violence escalates and escalates for a paragraph...] In May, a local employee of the Olympic organizing committee leaked a directive confirming that "non-conforming elements" were to be "driven underground" in the Quebec City-Toronto corridor for the duration of the games. Guy Toupin, the Montreal police officer co-ordinating Olympic security, claimed the raids were only "a part of our normal police work." But he went on, "if such action helps us in turning up potential terrorists, so much the better."

— Queer Progress by Tim McCaskell (13%)

Women in the workforce earned approximately 60 per cent of what men earned. Lesbians, independent of men, tended to be poorer. The commercial scene's orientation to men reflected this difference in disposable income.

— Queer Progress by Tim McCaskell (5%)

As we moved from the peripheries to the mainstream, there was a remarkable transformation in dominant LGBT politics, from one aimed at social transformation to one that celebrated social inclusion. Toronto's Pride parade now featured many of our traditional antagonists: the Conservative party, churches, some of the biggest corporations and banks, the police, and the military.

— Queer Progress by Tim McCaskell (3%)

En d'autres termes, les cissexuel·les conçoivent la légitimité de leur genre comme un droit de naissance. Il s'agit bien souvent de malhonnêteté intellectuelle quand dans notre société beaucoup de cissexuel·les (si ce n'est la majorité) tendent à considérer avec mépris les sociétés et cultures qui reposent sur des systèmes de classes ou de castes – alors que leur métier, leur statut social, leur situation économique, leur pouvoir politique, etc., sont prédéterminés en fonction d'un accident de naissance. Si, en Occident, la plupart des cissexuel·les critiquent le privilège de naissance comme un moyen de déterminer d'autres formes de classes sociales, ils et elles y adhèrent hypocritement dès qu'il s'agit de genre.

— Manifeste d'une femme trans et autres textes by Julia Serano

In June 1969, the patrons of the Stonewall Inn in New York responded to a police raid with three days of rioting. The gay liberation movement sparked by Stonewall emerged in the 1970s. It was based on the liberal notion that sexuality should be an individual expression rather than a social obligation. But the movement also drew from the social solidarity promoted by socialism, Keynesianism, feminism, the civil rights movement, and anti-colonial struggles to produce the notion of "community." This allowed it to project political power to combat the moralizing discourses of law, religion, and psychiatry.

— Queer Progress by Tim McCaskell (3%)